Marco Rubio · Immigration · the 2013 Gang of Eight bill · updated August 31, 2026
He promised security before green cards. His five votes kept exactly that order.
As a Gang of Eight author, Marco Rubio drew one careful line in 2013: security measures before permanent status, not before provisional legal status. His votes on S. 744 track that line. The broader 'security first' impression many listeners took away is a separate question, and this page keeps the two apart.
5key votes, every one preserving the same sequence
68-32final Senate passage on June 27; Rubio voted yes
2groups exempt even from the green-card triggers
18recorded roll calls on S. 744, all in the table below
The bill
What happened
In 2013 Marco Rubio was one of the eight senators, four from each party, who wrote S. 744, the Senate's immigration overhaul; the Congressional Research Service records the authorship. The bill traded a path to legal status for a security build-out, in a fixed order: first provisional status (a temporary legal status people could hold while the later stages played out), then green cards after the security measures were deployed, then citizenship. Through June the Senate voted on amendments that would have changed that order, and Rubio voted no each time one moved enforcement ahead of provisional status: no on Grassley, no on Thune, no on Vitter. After the Corker-Hoeven deal toughened the later green-card conditions, he voted for the strengthened bill. It passed the Senate 68 to 32 on June 27 and the House never took it up.
The chronology
Seventeen days in June
DateDecision
Jun 11The Senate votes to begin considering S. 744, 84-15 Rubio votes yes
Jun 13The Grassley amendment is set aside, 57-43 it would have blocked provisional status until six months of effective border control; Rubio votes to set it aside
Jun 18The Thune amendment fails, 39-54 it required 350 miles of new double-layer fencing before provisional status; Rubio votes no, saying it "does not detail a specific border plan"
Jun 18The Vitter amendment fails, 36-58 it required a fully operating entry-exit system before any legal status; Rubio votes no
Jun 26The Corker-Hoeven border-surge amendment is adopted, 69-29 700 miles of pedestrian fencing, roughly 20,000 new agents, E-Verify, entry-exit; his floor speech the same day describes this strengthened version
Jun 27The Senate ends debate and passes S. 744, both 68-32 Rubio votes yes on both; the House never took the bill up
His words, from the record
What he said
S. 744 spent June 2013 on the Senate floor, with amendments trying to reorder its stages before the final vote on June 27. The quotes below are how Rubio described the deal to Spanish and English audiences that month, what his office said on the days he voted no, his floor speech the day the border deal was adopted, and how he talked about the bill in the years after it died.
2013-06-09 · Al Punto
On Univision's Al Punto, in Spanish, before the amendment votes; quoted by PolitiFact:
Nobody is talking here about preventing legalization. Legalization will take place... Legalization is not conditional.
2013-06-18 · Press release on the Thune and Vitter votes
His office's release the day he voted against the Thune and Vitter amendments:
However, his amendment does not detail a specific border plan. Therefore, I opposed his amendment and instead continue to work with my Republican colleagues to arrive at a new measure that improves on the significant border security measures already in the bill.
Same floor speech, on the sequence the final bill wrote:
they cannot even apply for permanent status until the fence is built, the Border Patrol agents are hired, and the border security technology, E-Verify, and the tracking system are fully in place
When I'm president it will not be dealt with the way it was done in the Senate. It will be done first and foremost by bringing illegal immigration under control
His spokesman, four months after the House shelved the bill; quoted via Breitbart:
At this point, the most realistic way to make progress on immigration would be through a series of individual bills, ... Any effort to use a limited bill as a ruse to trigger a conference that would then produce a comprehensive bill would be counterproductive.
2013-06-13Voted yeson a motion to set aside an amendment by Senator Grassley that would have blocked provisional status until six months of effective border control. The set-aside succeeded, 57 to 43, so the amendment died. His only surviving explanation of this vote is secondhand: a critical advocacy blog quoting a June 2013 radio interview in which he said the process had to start soon "because we are going to require them to pay a fine", with the fines helping to pay for enforcement. Roll call 148
2013-06-18Voted noon the Thune amendment, which required 350 miles of double-layer fencing before provisional status and the full 700 miles before green cards. It failed, 39 to 54. His statement that day: he supported the fencing goal, but "his amendment does not detail a specific border plan", and he would work on a stronger measure instead. Roll call 151
2013-06-18Voted noon the Vitter amendment, which required a fully operating entry-exit system before any legal status. It failed, 36 to 58. His statement that day: he supported the entry-exit goal, but the amendment "delays the process of submitting illegal immigrants to background checks and the imposition of fines". Roll call 152
2013-06-26Voted yeson the Corker-Hoeven border-surge amendment, the source of the 700 miles of pedestrian fencing and roughly 20,000 new agents his June 26 speech cites, attached as conditions for green cards. It passed, 69 to 29, the same day as the speech. Roll call 163
2013-06-27Voted yeson final passage of S. 744. The bill passed the Senate, 68 to 32. The House never took it up; it did not become law. Roll call 168
The architecture
How the bill worked
The bill created a three-stage path with a different security requirement at each stage. He helped write it: the Congressional Research Service lists him as one of the eight senators, four from each party, who negotiated the bill before it was introduced.
Undocumented
Before applications could open: the government had to submit its border-security and fencing plans to Congress and give notice it had begun carrying them out. Begun, not finished. The bill's words: applications could start once the Secretary submitted the "Notice of Commencement of implementation" of the border strategy and the fencing strategy.
Provisional status ("RPI")
A new legal status: live and work in the country lawfully, valid six years and renewable. Not a green card, and not citizenship.
Green card
Before moving up from provisional status: the government had to certify the border plan was deployed and operational, 700 miles of pedestrian fencing built, E-Verify running for every employer, and the electronic entry-exit system in place at air and sea ports. The heavy requirements sat here. Two groups were exempt from these requirements: people brought to the country as children (the bill's section 245D(b)) and farm workers granted "blue card" status. The bill's words: the wait applied "except for aliens granted blue card status ... or described in section 245D(b)".
Citizenship
Years later still, through the normal naturalization process.
Source: the trigger section of S. 744 as passed by the Senate, and the Congressional Research Service summary confirming the two exemptions.
Findings
A qualification on his broadest sentence
His June 26 sentence, "these are all things that at a minimum must happen before those in the country illegally can apply for permanent status", was not literally true of every covered immigrant. The bill as passed exempted people brought here as children and blue-card farm workers from the border requirements on green cards. For the ordinary provisional-status pathway, the sentence matches the bill; stated as a universal, it overstates.
One thing the dates hide
The bill changed between his No votes and the speech. The No votes came June 13 to 18, on a version with weaker security conditions. In the following week, the Corker-Hoeven deal made the green-card conditions much tougher: 700 miles of pedestrian fencing, roughly doubling the Border Patrol, E-Verify, new technology. The June 26 speech describes that strengthened version, and he voted for it the same day.
Where it lines up, and where it doesn't
Measured against his exact words, his votes are consistent, and consistently placed: at every decision point, he voted to keep the security requirements on the green-card stage and off the provisional-status stage. He voted down each amendment that moved them earlier, and voted for the version that made the later requirements tougher.
His stated reasons at the time say the same thing. On Thune: he supported the fencing goal but the amendment "does not detail a specific border plan". On Vitter: he supported the entry-exit goal but the amendment "delays the process of submitting illegal immigrants to background checks and the imposition of fines". The fuller version of the finding: he opposed making completion of particular security measures a requirement before provisional legalization, while agreeing with the measures themselves and preferring them as requirements for permanent status.
The other side of each vote also said its reason plainly. Senator Grassley, whose amendment died in the first key vote: "as we read the details of the bill, it's clear that the approach taken is legalize first, enforce later. My amendment would fundamentally change that."
PolitiFact, checking the Spanish-versus-English dispute that month, found he described the same structure to both audiences with different emphasis. Three claims should be kept apart: that he secretly promised security before any legalization to one audience, which the transcripts undercut; that he promised security before permanent residence, which his votes support; and that his phrasing likely left many listeners with the broader impression, which is plausible but interpretive. His own words two weeks in: he "probably should have been more artful in the use of terms".
How strong is this, and what to watch out for
Strength: within this one episode, very strong. The wording is his own, on the record, and the five key votes are the exact moments the Senate decided the question his sentence raises. The full vote list below shows nothing was cherry-picked.
Watch out: one episode is not a habit. Careful wording is also what good lawyers and good legislators do; the same record is consistent with "he chose his words honestly and precisely", and the dispute over his framing was argued in real time, not discovered later. Anything this page infers beyond the 2013 votes is weaker than what it shows inside them.
His later reversal was a change in sequence, not an adoption of the 2013 amendments he had opposed. By 2016 he wanted enforcement done and proven before a broader bill, the broader sequence that he had rejected when several 2013 amendments tried, in different ways, to place enforcement conditions ahead of provisional legal status. Those amendments differed from each other and from his 2016 position; the record supports "he reversed the order", not "he came around to Grassley, Thune, or Vitter".
What we can't determine
Why he voted this way. Conviction, coalition strategy, or both.
Whether his audiences understood the provisional-versus-permanent distinction. His words drew it explicitly; how it was heard is not something a record can show.
His own first-hand explanation of the Grassley vote. His office's statement on that vote, if one existed, is no longer findable; the only surviving explanation is quoted by a critical advocacy group. It is presented as secondhand above.
Terms
Reading the vote table
Motion to set aside (tabling): a vote to kill an amendment without voting on it directly. Voting Yes on setting aside means voting against the amendment.
Vote to advance / end debate: a vote to cut off debate so something can move forward. It needs 60 votes, not a simple majority, which is why a vote can get more Yes than No and still fail.
Motion to waive: a vote to let a bill move forward despite an objection that it breaks budget rules.
Vote on whether to set aside an amendment to S. 744: To prohibit the granting of registered provisional immigrant status until the Secretary has maintained effective control of the borders for 6 months.
Amendment to S. 744: To require the completion of the 350 miles of reinforced, double-layered fencing described in section 102(b)(1)(A) of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 before registered provisional immigrant status may be granted and to require the completion of 700 miles of such fencing before the status of registered provisional immigrants may be adjusted to permanent resident status.
Amendment to S. 744: To prohibit the temporary grant of legal status to, or adjustment to citizenship status of, any individual who is unlawfully present in the United States until the Secretary of Homeland Security certifies that the US-VISIT System (a biometric border check-in and check-out system first required by Congress in 1996) has been fully implemented at every land, sea, and airport of entry and Congress passes a joint resolution, under fast track procedures, stating that such integrated entry and exit data system has been sufficiently implemented.
Vote on whether to set aside an amendment to S. 744: To provide for enhanced border security, including strong border security metrics and congressional votes on border security and for other purposes.
Amendment to S. 744: To require fast-track congressional approval when the Secretary of Homeland Security notifies Congress of the implementation of the border security strategies and certifies that the strategies are substantially operational.
Vote on whether to set aside an amendment to S. 744: Requiring Enforcement, Security and safety while Upgrading Lawful Trade and travel Simultaneously (RESULTS).